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THE  TUSAYAN  RITUAL:  A STUDY  OF  THE  INFLUENCE 
OF  ENVIRONMENT  ON  ABORIGINAL  CULTS. 

BY 

J.  WALTER  FEWKES. 

FROM  THE  SMITHSONIAN  REPORT  FOR  1895,  PAGES  683-700 
(WITH  PLATES  LXX-LXXIII). 


WASHINGTON: 

GOVERNMENT  PRINTING  OFFICE. 

1896. 


1062 


THE  TUSAYAN  RITUAL:  A STUDY  OF  THE  INFLUENCE 
OF  ENVIRONMENT  ON  ABORIGINAL  CULTS. 


BY 


J.  WALTER  FEWKES. 


FROM  THE  SMITHSONIAN  REPORT  FOR  1895,  PAGES  683-700 
(WITH  PLATES  LXX-LXXIII). 


WASHINGTON: 

GOVERNMENT  PRINTING  OFFICE. 
1896. 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2016 


https://archive.org/details/tusayanritualstuOOfewk 


THE  TITS  AY  AN  RITUAL:  A STUDY  OF  THE  INFLUENCE 
OE  ENVIRONMENT  ON  ABORIGINAL  CULTS.1 * 


By  J.  Walter  Fewkes. 


The  science  called  ethnology  claims  as  its  field  of  research  the  study 
of  all  racial  characteristics  of  man.  It  deals  not  only  with  his  phys- 
ical features,  social  grouping,  and  geographical  distribution,  but  also 
with  the  products  of  his  hand  and  mind,  his  thoughts  and  feelings. 
No  race  or  individual  is  so  low  in  the  scale  of  being  as  to  be  utterly 
devoid  of  some  idea  of  the  supernatural,  and  as  this  is  a universal 
human  characteristic  it  is  naturally  one  of  the  subjects  which  presents 
itself  for  study  by  the  ethnologist.  The  study  of  the  evolution  of 
supernatural  ideas,  like  that  of  all  other  human  characters,  ought  not 
to  be  limited  to  a few  favored  races,  nor  should  the  term  u religion,7’  in 
its  scientific  use,  be  restricted  to  any  group  or  race  of  man.  It  must  be 
broad  enough  to  embrace  the  supernatural  conceptions  of  all  men,  low 
and  high  in  the  scale.  No  poor  or  insignificant  grouping  of  men  and 
women  should  be  regarded  too  wretched  to  be  studied,  and  the  scien- 
tific man  can  not  overlook  any  if  he  is  loyal  to  scientific  methods.  A 
generalization  which  is  built  on  limited  knowledge  of  the  religious 
characteristics  of  a few  men  or  those  of  gifted  races  will  as  surely 
fail  as  a general  law  of  linguistics  based  on  the  language  of  any  one 
of  the  great  races  to  the  neglect  of  others.  There  was  a time  when 
naturalists  overlooked  the  lowest  animals  in  their  studies  of  the  evolu- 
tion of  organic  life,  but  now  it  is  universally  recognized  by  biologists 
that  we  must  look  to  the  most  inferior  animals  for  a solution  of  many 
problems  connected  with  the  highest.  In  studies  of  the  development 
of  the  sivpernatural  in  the  mind  of  man  the  same  thing  is  true.  The 
laws  of  the  evolution  of  religious  thought  can  not  be  scientifically 
studied  if  the  culture  of  primitive  man  is  neglected.  Unless  I am 
greatly  mistaken,  the  roots  of  some  of  the  purest  spiritual  conceptions 
reach  far  down  into  savage  and  barbarous  stages  of  culture. 

We  are  accustomed  to  designate  the  crude  supernatural  ideas  of 
savage  and  barbarous  peoples  as  cults,  and  every  cult  will  be  found 
on  examination  to  be  composed  of  two  complemental  parts,  known  as 

1 Saturday  lecture  in  the  Assembly  Flail  of  the  United  States  National  Museum, 

May  16, 1896. 


683 


684 


THE  TUSAYAN  RITUAL. 


mythology  and  ritual.  Around  the  former  group  themselves  the  vari 
ous  beliefs  regarding  the  supernatural,  and  about  the  latter  the  pro- 
cesses by  which  man  approaches  and  influences  these  supernal  concep- 
tions. This  bifid  strand  runs  through  all  supernatural  ideas,  from 
those  of  the  savage  to  the  civilized  man.  As  nature  has  thus  united 
them,  they  must  always  be  considered  together  in  scientific  studies. 
We  have  seen  in  one  of  the  previous  lectures  of  this  course  how  certain 
arts  of  man  are  affected  by  environment.  I shall  endeavor  to  show  a 
connection  between  ceremonial  practices  and  climatic  conditions,  which 
are,  I take  it,  essential  factors  of  environment.  For  an  illustration,  I 
have  chosen  the  influence  of  an  arid  climate  upon  the  ritual  of  one 
cluster  of  American  Indians. 

There  are  certain  common  components  of  all  cults  which  are  as  widely 
spread  as  the  races  of  man  and  exist  independently  of  surroundings, 
while  there  are  others  which  are  profoundly  affected  by  environment. 
Our  subject  especially  deals  with  the  latter,  and  as  the  ritual  is  capable 
of  more  exact  scientific  analysis,  I have  in  mind  to  discuss  the  modifi- 
cations in  it  which  can  be  traced  to  purely  climatic  causes. 

To  simplify  the  elements  of  the  problem  we  must  chose  not  only  a 
primitive  form  of  ritual,  but  also  as  far  as  possible  one  which  has  been 
but  slightly  modified  by  the  introduction  of  foreign  influences,  and 
hence  other  environments.  We  must  avoid  as  much  as  possible  com- 
plexity due  to  composition.  It  is  a very  difficult  task  to  determine  the 
aboriginal  cults  of  any  primitive  people,  for  modifications  resulting 
from  contact  with  other  races  are  present  almost  everywhere  we  turn. 

Every  cluster  or  grouping  of  men  known  to  me  is  composite  in  its 
character.  Yet  the  task  is  not  wholly  hopeless  or  beyond  our  powers. 
The  work  before  the  American  student  is  facilitated  by  the  fact  that 
we  have  still  living  in  our  country  surviving  members  of  the  American 
race  who,  on  account  of  isolation,  have  been  slightly  modified  by 
foreign  influences.  I wish  this  afternoon  to  call  your  attention  to  one 
of  these,  and  to  discuss  the  influences  which  evironment  has  exerted 
on  their  ritual. 

The  people  concerning  whom  I shall  speak  are  commonly  called  the 
Mokis,  although  they  prefer  to  be  known  as  the  Hopi.  They  live  in  a 
region  of  Arizona,  which  from  its  discovery  in  the  middle  of  the  six- 
teenth century,  has  been  designated  Tusayan.  The  Hopi  or  Tusayan 
Indians  belong  to  the  so-called  village  or  pueblo  people — the  peculiar 
culture  of  prehistoric  Arizona,  Yew  Mexico,  Colorado,  and  Utah. 
While  what  I shall  say  especially  concerns  one  group,  it  may  in  a gen- 
eral way  be  applied  to  the  culture  of  a wide  territory  called  the  pueblo 
area  of  the  southwestern  part  of  the  United  States.  In  a natural 
sequence  a discussion  of  the  effect  of  environment  would  follow  a 
statement  of  the  distinctive  characters  of  the  physical  features  which 
characterize  surroundings;  and  in  order  that  you  may  have  an  idea 
of  the  climatic  conditions  of  Tusayan,  let  us  take  a few  moments  to 


THE  TUSAYAN  RITUAL. 


685 


consider  these  peculiarities  of  the  environment.  In  physical  features 
this  province  is  a part  of  the  great  arid  zone  of  the  Rocky  Mountains,  to 
which  in  former  times  was  given  the  name  of  Great  American  Desert. 
It  lies  in  the  northeastern  part  of  Arizona,  about  90  miles  from  the 
nearest  village  of  white  men  on  the  south  and  about  the  same  distance 
east  of  the  Grand  Canyon  of  the  Colorado.  On  all  sides  it  is  isolated 
by  dry  deserts,  a dreary  extent  of  mountains,  mesas,  and  arid  plains 
about  6,000  feet  above  the  level  of  the  sea.  Ho  permanent  streams 
of  water  refresh  these  parched  canyons  or  fields,  and  the  surroundings 
of  this  isolated  tribe,  organic  and  inorganic,  belong  to  those  character- 
istic of  desert  environment.  The  rains  are  limited  in  quantity — liable 
to  fail  at  planting  times,  although  later  in  the  summer  pouring  down 
in  copious  torrents,  that  fill  the  depression  by  which  the  water  is 
rapidly  carried  away  from  the  thirsty  fields.  Springs  of  permanent 
water  are  small  and  weak,  and  when  abundant,  poor  and  hardly  pota- 
ble. In  this  unpromising  land  a few  less  than  2,000  Indians  strive  to 
maintain  themselves  by  agriculture  from  a barren  sandy  soil  Avliich. 
a white  farmer  would  despise. 

Hor  is  the  unremunerative  soil  the  only  hostile  environment  with 
which  this  industrious  race  of  aboriginal  farmers  has  had  to  contend. 
Incoming  marauders,  in  the  form  of  nomadic  enemies,  have  from  pre- 
historic times  harassed  them,  preyed  on  their  farms,  and  forced  them 
to  adopt  inaccessible  mesa  tops,  high  above  their  fields,  for  protection. 
Perched  on  these  rocky  eminences  they  have  erected  seven  stone  vil- 
lages in  so  clever  a way  that  they  seem  to  be  a part  of  the  cliffs.  Ani- 
mals in  desert  surroundings  as  a protective  device  have  taken  on  the 
color  of  the  soil,  but  these  men  have  built  their  towns  in  the  cliffs  so 
deftly  that  they  seem  to  be  parts  of  the  mesas  themselves.  They  have 
succeeded  well  in  this  protective  device,  due  to  environment,  for  at  a 
distance  the  pueblos  are  indistinguishable  from  the  cliffs  on  which  they 
stand. 

I need  not  dwell  on  the  forbidding  aspect  of  the  mesa  tops  on  which 
these  villages  are  built.  Hot  a sprig  of  verdure,  drop  of  water,  or  frag- 
ment of  fuel  is  to  be  found  upon  them.  If  there  is  one  physical  feature 
which  may  be  said  to  characterize  Tusayan,  it  is  the  paucity  of  water, 
or  rather  its  unequal  distribution  in  different  seasons  of  the  year. 

The  character  of  animal  life  is  also  significant,  for  it  is  of  such  a 
nature  as  to  exert  a profound  influence.  A race  dependent  on  animal 
food  alone  would  have  starved  for  game.  The  great  ruminants,  as  the 
bison,  which  more  than  any  other  animal  influenced  the  culture  of  the 
Indians  of  the  great  plains  of  the  Mississippi,  never  visited  this  region. 
Ho  domesticated  animals  made  pastoral  culture  possible.  There  were 
small  rodents,  many  rabbits  and  hares,  and  a scanty  supply  of  antelope 
in  distant  mountains.  Unpromising  as  was  the  soil  for  agriculture,  the 
resources  of  the  hunter  were  much  less,  and  in  this  region  man  was 
forced  to  become  an  agriculturist. 


686 


THE  TUSAYAN  RITUAL, 


It  is,  therefore,  clear  that  the  sedentary  agricultural  life  of  the 
Tusayan  Indian  is  the  direct  result  of  organic  and  inorganic  surround- 
ings. Forced  from  some  reason  unknown  to  me  to  live  in  a land  where 
animals  were  so  few  that  he  could  not  subsist  from  the  products  of  the 
chase,  he  found  a possible  food  supply  in  plant  life,  and  he  accepted 
the  inevitable.  He  adopted  the  life  which  environment  dictated,1  and 
accepting  things  as  they  were,  worked  out  his  culture  on  the  only  pos- 
sible lines  of  development.  He  raised  crops  of  maize,  melons,  and 
beans,  cultivated  and  harvested  various  grains,  but  at  times  when 
other  things  failed  found  food  in  cacti  and  the  meal  of  pihon  nuts. 
Accepting  the  inevitable,  maids  ritual  became  a mirror  of  that  part  of 
his  environment  which  most  intimately  affected  his  necessities.  The 
irregularity  of  the  rains,  and  the  possibility  that  the  corn  may  not 
grow,  developed  the  ritual  in  the  direction  indicated.  As  long  as  the 
processes  of  nature  go  on  without  change,  no  special  rain  or  growth 
ceremonials  would  develop.  In  a bountiful  soil  which  never  fails  the 
farmer,  where  the  seed  dropped  in  the  ground  is  sure  to  germinate,  and 
the  rains  are  constant,  no  ritual  would  originate  to  bring  about  what 
was  sure  to  come.  But  let  natural  processes  be  capricious,  awake  in  a 
primitive  mind  the  fear  that  these  processes  may  not  recur,  let  him 
become  conscious  that  the  rains  may  not  come,  and  he  evolves  a ritual 
to  prevent  its  failure.  He  is  absolutely  driven  to  devise  ceremouials 
by  which  to  affect  those  supernatural  beings  whom  he  believes  cause 
the  rain  and  the  growth  of  his  crops.  The  cults  of  a primitive  people 
are  products  of  their  necessities,  and  they  become  complicated  as  the 
probability  of  their  needs  not  being  met  are  uncertain.  The  two  needs 
which  sorely  pressed  the  Hopi  farmer  were  rain  to  water  his  crops  and 
the  growth  and  maturity  of  his  corn.  My  problem,  therefore,  is  to 
show  by  illustrations  that  the  two  components,  rain  making  and  growth 
ceremonials,  characterize  the  Tusayan  ritual,  as  aridity  is  the  epitome 
of  the  distinctive  climatic  features  of  the  region  in  which  it  has  been 
developed. 

There  are,  as  before  stated,  certain  elemental  components  of  all  cults 
which  are  as  widespread  as  man,  and  apparently  exist  independently 
of  climatic  conditions.  These  elements  are  psychical,  subjective,  and 
occur  wherever  man  lives  in  deserts,  islands,  forests,  plains,  under 
every  degree  of  latitude  and  temperature.  A more  profound  philo- 
sophical analysis  than  I can  make  may  resolve  even  these  into  effects 
of  environment,  but  their  universality  would  seem  to  show  that  they 
are  not  due  to  the  special  climatic  condition  of  aridity  characteristic  of 
Tusayan.  I do  not  regard  it  pertinent  to  my  discussion  to  attempt  to 
explain  their  origin,  but  we  can  better  appreciate  the  Tusayan  ritual. 

The  genus  Homo , emerging  from  genera  of  animals,  most  of  which 

’For  a discussion  of  the  relations  between  highest  stages  of  culture  in  aboriginal 
America  and  arid  climate,  see  my  article  on  Summer  Ceremonials  at  Zuni  and 
Moqui  Pueblos,  Bulletin  Essex  Institute,  Vol.  XXII,  Nos.  7, 8,  9.  Salem,  Mass. 


THE  TUSAYAN  RITUAL. 


687 


were  timorous  and  bodily  weak,  inherited  from  them  a wonder  and  fear 
at  anything  unusual  or  uncanny.  This  dawning  intelligence,  influenced 
by  such  sentiments  as  wonder,  fear,  hope,  and  love,  reached  that 
mental  condition  when,  as  pointed  out  by  King,  it  ascribed  all  happen- 
ings about  itself  to  luck.1  His  heritage  was  a mind  unable  to  separate 
the  normal  from  the  abnormal,  and  everything  to  such  a mind  is  mys- 
terious, and  all  nature  is  regarded  as  living,  but  we  can  hardly  sup- 
pose that  in  that  condition  it  deified  or  saw  gods  in  everything.  Man 
understood  the  causes  of  few  of  the  mysteries  about  him,  and  felt  him- 
self at  the  caprice  of  chance.  He  was  a consistent  fatalist,  overlooking 
good,  for  that  was  normal,  but  associating  the  bad  with  chance.  In 
this  early  condition  a stage  of  supernaturalism  called  fetishism,  or  the 
use  of  charms,  spells,  amulets,  mascots  of  various  kinds  to  control 
chance,  arose.  As  far  as  I know,  no  race  has  wholly  outgrown  this 
condition,  and  the  lower  we  descend  in  the  scale  of  humanity,  either 
historically  in  our  own  race,  or  ethnograp Ideally  among  savages,  the 
relative  predominance  of  fetishism  increases.  There  is  no  more  con- 
stant element,  none  following  the  same  law  of  increase ; the  present 
forms  of  monotheism  have  the  least,  the  lowest  savage  the  most.  While 
at  present  there  survives  no  people  so  degraded  that  fetishism  is  the 
only  cult,  those  nearest  that  stage  are  the  lowest  in  mental,  moral,  and 
social  attainments.  I need  not  remind  you  that  at  that  early  stage  a 
fetish  was  not  an  idol,  it  may  or  may  not  have  had  a regular  form;  a 
stone,  a root,  an  amulet  may  serve  as  a fetish.  In  this  stage  of 
development  every  individual  came  to  believe  that  he  had  a certain 
protective  charm.  We  can  hardly  believe  he  had  a system  of  gods  or 
that  he  recognized  such.  Later  in  its  evolution  fetishism  became 
incorporated  with  other  higher  elements,  especially  symbolism,  but  in 
its  archaic  conception  this  was  impossible. 

The  highest  outgrowth  of  pure  fetishism  was  the  shaman  or  medi- 
cine man.  It  was  recognized  that  certain  men  were  gifted  with  occult 
powers  beyond  their  fellows,  and  were  more  potent  to  control  happen- 
ings. But  this  medicine  man  made  use  of  impersonal  amulets,  not 
personal  spirits. 

The  second  stage  in  the  growth  of  the  supernatural  was  a belief  in  a 
spirit2  or  double  of  man,  the  concept  of  animism.  When  through 

JI  find  myself  in  accord  with  Mr.  J.  H.  King,  who  has  discussed  this  subject  at 
length  in  his  work,  The  Supernatural;  its  Origin,  Nature,  and  Evolution.  While 
there  are  several  points  in  his  discussion  where  I can  not  see  my  way  clear  to 
accept  his  interpretations,  1 have  in  others  found  my  views  almost  coinciding  with 
his.  He  has  discussed  the  subject  in  so  scholarly  a manner  that  the  small  space  I 
can  give  to  this  great  subject  might  have  been  better  occupied  with  quotations 
from  his  volumes.  His  work  should  be  thoughtfully  studied  by  everyone  interested 
in  this  subject. 

-The  recognition  of  spirit  was  of  very  early  date,  and  is  regarded  by  Sir  J.  Lub- 
bock, Dr.  Tylor,  and  Herbert  Spencer  as  characteristic  of  all  supernaturalism.  Mr. 
King,  however,  seems  to  me  to  have  advanced  strong  reasons  to  show  that  fetishism 
may  have  antedated  animism.  Although  I have  adopted  his  view,  I am  sure  there 
is  much  to  be  said  on  the  other  side. 


688 


THE  TUSAYAN  RITUAL. 


dreams  and  other  psychical  phenomena  man  recognized  his  soul,  he 
immediately  extended  his  concept  to  animals,  plants,  stones,  all  things, 
and  thus  everything  was  thought  to  have  an  intangible  double,  soul. 
Man  sought  to  ally  himself  with  some  one  of  these  souls;  if  a hunter, 
some  animal  spirit,  for  instance,  as  an  aid.  This  became  his  totem,  and 
everything  came  to  be  a totem  of  power  depending  on  needs  of  man. 
As  fetishism  was  the  archaic  condition  in  the  groping  of  the  human 
mind,  totemism  was  the  following,  and  both  evolved  together,  mutually 
reacting  on  each  other  and  interdigitating  in  their  development. 

As  the  inevitable  outgrowth  of  animism  and  its  twin  brother  totemism 
came  ancestor  worship.  Totemism  and  animism  are  sometimes  limited 
to  animal  worship,  from  the  fact  that  zoomorphic  totems  naturally 
were  chosen  by  hunters,  but  especially  among  agricultural  people  totems 
of  corn,  rain,  and  the  like  replaced  zoomorphic  forms.  The  forces  of 
nature  thus  became  totems — sun,  moon,  earth — some  with  animal,  others 
with  human  personalities.  A totem  of  a family  became  a tutelary  god, 
and  groups  of  tutelary  gods  with  a regal  head  became  a council  of  gods 
as  among  the  old  Greeks. 

Political  and  religious  conceptions  kept  pace,  a patriarchal  head  of 
the  family  was  reflected  in  the  mythology.  A king  suggested  a mono- 
theism. Isolated  pliratries  living  in  groups  like  the  prehistoric  pueblos 
recognized  no  supreme  political  chief;  their  system  was  feudal ; they  were 
too  low  for  monotheism.  I believe  there  isno  good  evidence  to  prove  that 
they  ever  advanced  higher  in  the  evolution  of  mythology  than  a form  of 
totemism,  in  which  powers  of  nature  under  anthropomorphic  or  animal 
disguises  were  worshiped. 

I have  said  that  the  ritual  of  man  can  not  be  separated  from  his 
beliefs;  it  is  incomprehensible  alone.  Let  us,  therefore,  glance  at  the 
mythology  of  the  Tusayan  Indians.  These  people  had  never,  when 
unmodified  by  European  influences,  advanced  higher  than  the  worship 
of  anthropomorphic  powers  of  nature,  although  all  lower  forms  of  wor- 
ship, as  of  animals,  ancestors,  and  fetishism,  were  prevalent.  As  far  as 
I have  studied  the  beliefs  of  the  Tusayan  Indians,  I find  no  evidence 
that  they  recognized  monotheism  or  the  existence  of  a Great  Spirit, 
creator  of  all  things.  With  them  as  elsewhere  among  American  Indians 
whenever  we  find  a knowledge  of  a Great  Spirit  we  see,  as  pointed  out 
by  Mr.  Li.  Borman,1  u Nothing  more  than  a figure  of  European  origin 
reflected  and  transformed  almost  beyond  recognition  in  the  mirror  of 
the  Indian  mind.”  It  is  suggestive  that  the  Indian  knows  only  the 
name,  he  has  no  stories  pertaining  to  him,  but  when  you  inquire  about 
creation  you  elicit  myths  of  the  works  of  a spider  woman  or  the  birth 
of  men  from  the  caverns  of  the  earth.  A conception  of  a Great  Spirit, 
wherever  reported  from  savage  people  of  North  America,  is  the  work 
of  missionaries,  soldiers,  or  traders.1 2 

1 Anthropological  Institute,  Journal,  Yol.  XI,  page  361. 

2 Considerable  evidence  has  been  adduced,  mainly  from  documentary  sources,  that 
the  more  civilized  people  of  Central  America  attained  in  Precolombian  times  the 


THE  TUSAYAN  EITUAL. 


689 


All  cosmogony  begins  with  a created  earth  and  that  earth  is  mother 
of  gods  and  men.  From  the  under  world,  a cavern  in  the  earth,  men 
crawled  to  the  surface  through  au  opening  called  the  sipapu.  Faces, 
like  individuals,  grew  or  were  born;  there  is  no  hint  as  to  how  mother 
earth  was  created. 

The  highest  supernatural  beings  were  deified  forces  of  nature  endowed 
with  human  or  animal  forms.  Among  these  were  sky  gods,  earth  gods, 
and  their  offspring  in  the  early  times  when  the  race  of  man  was  young- 
The  pueblos  deified  the  sun  and  called  him  father  of  all,  and  so  impor- 
tant is  the  place  that  he  plays  in  their  beliefs  that  they  are  ordinarily 
called  sun  worshipers.  They  endow  him  with  human  form,  speaking 
of  the  disk  as  his  mask.  Each  day  he  is  thought  to  rise  from  his  home 
in  the  under  world  and  at  night  sinks  into  a western  house.  The  pueblo 
Indians  live  in  houses.  Their  chief  supernatural  has  a house,  as  indicated 
by  their  use  of  this  word  for  his  place  of  rising  and  setting.  The  sun  is 
a benificent  being  all  powerful  to  bring  the  rains.  In  other  parts  of 
America  among  warriors  he  is  appealed  to  to  destroy  enemies.  Among 
those  people  whose  environment  necessitates  rain  he  is  regarded  as  all 
powerful  for  that  purpose.  Like  ancient  Aryans,  the  Tusayan  Indians 
pray  to  the  rising  sun  for  blessings,  but  the  meaning  of  the  word  u bless- 
ing” is  always  rain,  that  the  farms  may  be  watered  and  the  crops  grow 
to  maturity.  The  worship  of  the  sun,  therefore,  is  of  great  importance; 
it  pervades  all  the  ritual,  but  it  is  always  with  one  intent — the  over- 
powering need  of  the  agriculturist  for  rain  in  a desert  environment. 

As  I have  used  the  word  66 prayer,”  it  may  be  well  for  me  to  point  out 
the  signification  of  this  word  among  these  people.  We  are  dealing 
with  a race  in  that  stage  of  culture  where  the  symbolism  is  all  impor- 
tant. Their  Avord  for  prayer  is,  u scatter,”  that  is,  to  scatter  sacred  meal. 
When  a Tusayan  priest  addresses  a supernatural  being  of  his  mythology 
he  believes  he  must  do  so  through  the  medium  of  some  object  as  a 
prayer  bearer;  he  breathes  his  wish  on  meal  and  throws  this  meal  to 
the  god.  The  prayer  bearer  is  thought  to  have  a spiritual  double  or 
breath  body  which  carries  his  wishes.  It  is  an  old  idea  with  him, 
reaching  back  to  fetishism,  for  his  breath  with  the  talismanic  words  is  the 
spell  which  brings  the  desired  results.  It  must  be  mentioned,  however, 
that  oftentimes  ethical  ideas  are  associated  with  Tusayan  prayers  for 
rain,  and  I have  frequently  heard  the  priests  at  the  close  of  their  songs 

monotheistic  stage  of  supernatural  concepts,  and  if  that  evidence  is  unimpeachable 
it  would  not  he  improbable  that  traces  of  the  same  should  be  found  among  pueblos. 
Unfortunately,  however,  the  evidences  on  this  point  are  none  too  strong,  the  prob- 
abilities that  the  writers  and  the  documents  did  not  eliminate  their  own  interpreta- 
tion too  great.  The  pueblos  at  present  have  an  idea  of  a supreme  spirit,  but  there 
is  every  reason  to  believe  it  is  of  exotic  derivation  in  the  time  since  Coronado. 
However  honest  may  be  the  modern  priest  who  may  say  that  he  learned  from  his 
grandfather  certain  current  beliefs,  the  crucial  test  of  their  prehistoric  character 
must  come  from  proof  that  the  grandfather’s  testimony  is  correct.  The  sources  of 
error  in  stories  passed  down  by  word  of  mouth  through  many  generations  are  too 
many  to  permit  us  to  pin  much  faith  to  traditions  reputed  to  be  of  great  age. 

SM  95 44 


690 


THE  TUSAYAN  RITUAL. 


for  rain  exclaim,  u Whose  heart  is  bad,  whose  thoughts  are  leaving  the 
straight  path,”  and  as  they  bewailed  that  the  rains  were  delayed, 
sorrowfully  resumed  their  songs  and  incantations. 

An  individual  intrusts  his  prayer  to  sacred  meal,  but  a society  of 
priests  has  a more  powerful  charm.  In  the  formal  worship  by  a 
society  of  priests  this  prayer  bearer  becomes  more  complicated  by 
appendages.  It  is  furnished  with  accessories,  all  of  which  are  symbolic. 
The  meal  is  placed  in  a corn-husk  packet  surrounded  with  symbolic 
charms,  feathers  of  birds  which  love  water,  herbs  which  grow  in  damp 
places.  Such  a prayer  bearer  with  symbolic  attachments  is  called  a 
paho,  and  as  if  to  betray  its  meaning  in  its  name,  the  exact  translation 
of  this  word  is  the  water-wood,  the  wood  which  brings  the  water. 
These  prayer  sticks  have  many  different  forms,  but  are  always  called 
by  the  generic  name,  water-sticks.  As  their  form  becomes  complicated 
by  reason  of  symbolic  accessories,  their  manufacture  is  an  act  which 
takes  time,  and  as  the  prescribed  symbols  are  known- only  to  the  initi- 
ated, their  construction  gives  rise  to  a complex  series  of  secret  rites. 
The  paho  itself  is  a sacred  object,  consequently  whitt lings  from  it, 
fragments  of  string,  corn  husks,  or  feathers,  used  in  its  construction, 
are  also  sacred  and  must  not  be  profaned.  They  are,  therefore,  care- 
fully gathered  up  and  deposited  with  a prayer  in  some  sacred  place. 

The  simple  act  of  breathing  a prayer  on  a pinch  of  meal  is  all  suffi- 
cient in  an  individual’s  use  of  prayer  meal,  but  in  the  complicated 
paho  this  simple  act  is  insufficient  in  their  belief.  The  prayer  bearer 
intrusted  with  the  prayers  of  a community  of  priests  must  be  laid  on 
an  altar,  smoked  upon,  prayed  over,  and  consecrated  by  song  before  it 
is  deemed  efficacious.  The  production  of  this  altar,  the  fetishes  which 
stand  upon  it,  the  formal  rites  attending  the  ceremonial  smoke,  and 
the  character  of  the  songs  thus  develop  each  its  own  complex  series 
of  rites.  Lastly,  even  the  casting  of  the  meal  has  led  to  complica- 
tions. The  paho  must  be  offered  to  the  god  addressed  in  a dignified 
manner  worthy  of  its  object  and  the  care  used  in  its  consecration.  A 
special  courier  carries  it  to  a special  shrine.  He  is  commissioned  to 
his  task  with  formal  words,  and  he  places  his  burden  in  the  shrine 
with  prescribed  prayers.  It  has  thus  been  brought  about  that  the 
manufacture,  consecration,  and  final  deposition  of  the  elaborate  paho 
or  stick  to  bring  the  rain  occupies  several  hours,  and  when  repeated, 
as  it  is  in  all  great  ceremonies  for  several  consecutive  days,  makes  a 
complicated  series  of  rites. 

The  ritual  of  the  Tusayan  Indians  is  composite  as  their  blood  kin- 
ship. Peoples  from  other  parts  of  the  arid  region  have  joined  the 
original  nucleus,  each  bringing  its  rites  and  its  names  of  the  sun  god. 
Each  of  these  components  clung  to  their  own  ceremonials,  and  thus 
several  series  of  rites  developed  side  by  side,  adding  new  names  to 
supernatural  beings  already  worshiped.  This  state  of  things  is  not 
peculiar  to  Tusayan.  Ra,  the  Egyptian  sun  god,  has  not  more  aliases 
than  Tawa,  the  solar  deity  of  the  Mokis.  So  receptive  is  the  Pueblo 


Smithsonian  Report,  1895. 


Plate  LXX. 


A T USAYAN  PAHO. 


THE  TUSAYAN  RITUAL. 


691 


system  in  point  of  fact  that  they  are  quite  willing  to  ingraft  the  Chris- 
tian ritual  on  their  own,  and  in  some  of  the  modified  pueblos  of  the 
Rio  Grande  we  find  the  two  coexisting.  The  sun  especially  has  many 
names  among  these  people,  attributal  or  incorporated,  derived  from 
colonists  among  them.  While  it  oftentimes  puzzles  the  student  to 
identifiy  them,  it  causes  no  trouble  to  the  primitive  mind,  who  gladly 
accepts  the  medicine  of  all  people,  friends  or  enemies.  Of  synonyms 
of  the  sun,  one  of  the  most  potent  is  called  the  Heart  of  the  Sky. 

In  the  mythology  of  the  American  Indians  the  worship  of  a mythic 
serpent  is  widely  associated  with  that  of  the  sun.  Among  the  Pueblos 
this  serpent  appears  as  the  Great  Plumed  Snake.  This  personage  was 
a marked  one  in  the  Mexican  and  Central  American  mythologies.  He 
is  found  carved  in  stone  on  the  stately  ruins  of  Chiapas  and  Yucatan, 
painted  in  fresco  on  the  necropolis  of  Mitla,  and  represented  in  stucco 
on  the  facades  of  other  high  temples  of  Mexico.  As  the  most  powerful 
of  all  the  divinities  of  the  Yahuatl  and  Aztec  peoples,  he  has  crept  into 
all  the  mythologies  where  traces  of  Yahuatl  words  can  be  detected. 
In  Tusayan  the  Great  Plumed  Serpent  is  a powerful  deity  to  bring  the 
rain,  and  is  associated  with  lightning,  his  symbol.  By  simple  observa- 
tion the  untutored  mind  recognizes  that  rain  follows  lightning,  and 
what  more  natural  than  that  it  should  be  looked  upon  as  the  effect. 
He  therefore  worships  lightning  because  of  this  power.  The  course  of 
the  lightning  in  the  sky  is  zigzag  as  that  of  the  snake,  both  kill  when 
they  strike.  The  lightning  comes  from  the  sky,  the  abode  of  the  sun 
and  rain  god,  and  the  simple  reasoning  of  the  Tusayan  Indian  supposes 
some  connection  between  the  lightning,  snake,  and  rain.  The  suste- 
nance of  the  primitive  agriculturist  comes  from  the  earth,  and  if  the 
soil  is  nonproductive  the  sun  and  rain  are  of  no  avail.  The  Tusayan 
Indian  thus  recognizes  the  potency  of  the  earth  and  symbolically  deifies 
it  as  the  mother.  Consequently  earth  goddesses  play  important  roles 
in  his  mythology,  and  here  likewise  the  composition  of  the  tribe  shows 
itself  in  the  many  names  by  which  the  earth  mother  is  designated. 
We  find  her  called  u Mother  of  Germs,”  u Old  Woman,”  u Spider 
Wxoman,”  u Corn  Maid,”  u Growth  Goddess.”  Strangely  enough  to  us, 
but  by  no  means  strange  to  a primitive  mind,  this  latter  is  associated 
with  fire;  for  in  the  Indian  conception  fire  itself  is  a living  being,  and 
what  is  more  natural  than  association  of  fire  and  growth  ? 

Before  we  pass  to  a consideration  of  the  lesser  gods  of  Tusayan 
there  remains  to  be  considered,  among  those  of  primary  importance, 
a strange  collection  of  concepts,  the  direct  outgrowth  of  sun  worship. 
I refer  to  what  are  known  as  the  gods  of  the  world  quarters  or  cardinal 
directions. 

The  constant  observation  of  the  sun  has  led  to  an  intimate  study  of 
the  position  of  this  luminary  in  different  seasons,  especially  in  his  vari- 
ation in  places  of  rising  and  setting.  As  is  well  known,  the  sun,  on 
account  of  the  obliquity  of  the  ecliptic,  rises  and  sets  at  different 
points  on  the  horizon  at  different  dates,  varying  with  latitude,  between 


692 


THE  TUSAYAN  RITUAL. 


certain  distances  north  and  south.  The  intervals  on  the  horizon 
between  extreme  northern  and  southern  azimuth  is  mapped  out  by  a 
society  of  sun  priests,  who  note  the  tree,  hillock,  or  depression  in  the 
horizon  from  which  the  sun  rises  or  into  which  he  seems  to  sink  at 
each  interval,  and  thus  determine  the  time  for  ceremonials  with  sur- 
prising accuracy  year  by  year.  The  solstitial  points  of  the  sun  on  the 
horizon  thus  came  to  be  cardinal  points,  two  of  which  are  called  sun 
houses.1 

As  the  four  solstices  are  marked  epochs  in  the  sun  worship  of  an 
agricultural  people,  the  points  of  rising  and  setting  at  these  times,  or 
their  cardinal  points,  are  associated  with  minor  deities,  offspring  of  sun 
and  earth.  These  are  the  positions  of  the  sun  houses.  Naturally,  his 
children  live  in  these  four  world  quarters,  and  from  that  primitive  idea 
is  evolved  the  worship  of  the  so-called  world-quarter  deities  which 
play  such  a prominent  part  in  the  Tusayan  ritual. 

Ancestor  worship  has  developed  into  an  elaborate  system  of  minor 
supernaturals  called  Katcinas,  most  powerful,  in  their  conception,  to 
bring  blessings,  another  name  in  their  vocabulary  for  rain.  It  would 
be  instructive  to  trace  the  origin  and  define  the  character  of  these 
beings  if  time  permitted.  Their  name  is  legion,  their  ceremonials 
complicated. 

In  addition  to  the  deification  of  the  forces  of  nature,  totems  of  ani- 
mals, and  ancestral  personages,  Tusayan  supernal  concepts  are  almost 
infinite  in  variety  and  number,  many  of  which  are  simply  modified 
fetishes,  the  heritage  of  archaic  conditions.  To  define  the  character  of 
a tithe  of  these  concepts  would  be  a task  too  technical  for  general  discus- 
sion. Among  a people  where  gods  are  so  numerous,  every  hostile  one 
must  be  appeased,  no  beneficent  personage  forgotten.  From  one  end  of 
the  year  to  another  there  is  almost  a constant  round  of  ceremonials,  to 
describe  which  in  detail  would  tax  your  patience. 

Fortunately,  however,  these  ceremonials  admit  of  a classification.  In 
one  way  we  may  say  that  the  ritual  of  a people  is  the  sum  of  all  cere- 
monials which  recur  with  precision  in  successive  cycles.  The  time 
commonly  adopted  by  primitive  people  is  a natural  epoch,  the  year 
determined  by  the  course  of  the  seasons. 

Minor  divisions  of  this  year,  or  months,  are  characterized  each  by 
a special  ceremonial,  so  that  roughly  speaking  we  may  say  that  each 
ceremonial  year  at  Tusayan  is  composed  of  thirteen  great  ceremonial 
events,  one  for  each  lunar  revolution. 

In  the  most  elaborate  of  these  monthly  ceremonials  occur  rites  last- 
ing sixteen  days,  with  four  additional  days  for  purifications.  In  the 
celebration  of  many  the  time  is  curtailed,  but  no  moon  shines  over 

’The  horizontal  positions  of  the  sun  at  the  solstices  were  probably  recognized  as 
cardinal  by  other  peoples  of  agricultural  life.  The  reader  who  is  interested  to  fol- 
low this  subject  further  is  referred  to  various  works  on  the  orientation  of  Egyptian 
temples. 


THE  TUSAYAN  RITUAL. 


693 


Tusayan  without  witnessing  a religious  festival  of  great  complexity 
and  x>rescribed  precision,  which  is  repeated  every  year  at  the  same  time.1 

From  this  complicated  series  I will  choose  two  great  ceremonials  to 
illustrate  the  two  most  important  phases  of  the  influence  of  aridity. 
These  two  occur  in  consecutive  months,  August  and  September,  are 
both  celebrated  in  extenso,  and  will  for  that  reason  give  a fair  idea  of 
the  nature  of  the  elaborate  components.  Both  are  characteristic  of 
Tusayan,  although  represented  in  a somewhat  modified  form  in  other 
pueblos. 

The  first  is  called  the  Snake  Dance,  the  second  the  Lalakonti.  The 
one  is  performed  by  male  priests,  the  other  by  female ; the  former  an 
elaborate  prayer  for  rain,  the  latter  for  growth  and  an  abundant  har- 
vest of  maize.  Both  in  their  respective  way  illustrate  the  modifica- 
tions developed  by  the  climatic  conditions.  So  complicated  are  they, 
however,  that  I must  limit  myself  to  the  barest  sketch  of  some  of  their 
more  striking  features. 

No  better  ceremony  could  be  chosen  to  illustrate  the  effect  of  the 
arid  environment  than  the  well-known  Snake  Dance,  the  most  weird 
rite  in  the  Tusayan  calendar.  This  dance  occurs  every  summer  on 
alternate  years  in  five  of  the  Tusayan  villages,  and  although  a dramati- 
zation of  an  elaborate  sun -serpent  myth  is  so  permeated  by  rain  cere- 
monials that  it  has  come  to  be  an  elaborate  prayer  for  rain. 

The  worship  of  the  serpent  occupies  a most  prominent  place  in  the 
ritual  of  all  barbarous  people  where  each  environment  has  stamped  it 
with  special  significance.  Among  the  Tusayan  Indians  there  are  most 
complicated  rites  of  ophiolatry,  in  March,2  where  six  effigies  of  the 
Great  Plumed-headed  Snake  are  exhibited  in  the  secret  rooms  in  con- 
nection with  symbols  of  the  sun,  in  a strange  dramatization.  These 
ceremonials,  however,  have  to  do  with  the  fertilization  of  maize  and 
might  well  be  chosen  to  illustrate  rites  which  pertain  to  the  necessities 
of  agricultural  people. 

It  is  to  that  ceremony  3 where  reptiles  are  carried  fearlessly  by  the 

1 For  analysis  of  the  Tusayan  calendar,  see  Provisional  List  of  Annual  Ceremonies 
at  Walpi.  Internationales  Archiv  fiir  Ethnographie,  Bd.  VIII,  Heft.  V and  VI. 
Leyden,  Holland. 

2 The  Paliiliikonti  ; A Tusayan  ceremony.  Journal  of  American  Folk  Lore, 
October-December,  1893. 

3For  an  account  of  the  Snake  Dance  at  Walpi,  see  Journal  of  American  Ethnology 
and  Archaeology,  Vol.  IV;  Houghton,  Mifflin  & Co.,  Boston.  I have  elsewhere 
pointed  out  the  small  part  which  the  Great  Plumed  Serpent  plays  in  this  ceremony, 
and  the  absence  of  fetishes  or  idols  of  this  personage  in  the  secret  portions  of  the 
ceremony.  The  only  symbol  of  the  plumed  snake  which  is  found  is  on  the  kilts  of 
the  snake  priest.  As  nearly  as  I can  judge  of  its  place  in  the  components  of  primi- 
tive supernatural  concepts,  it  seems  to  be  an  example  of  animal  totemism  and 
ancestor  worship  in  which  special  powers  to  bring  the  rains  are  believed  to  belong 
to  the  reptiles,  descendants,  like  the  living  participants,  of  a snake  mother.  The 
conditions  are  so  often  paralleled  in  the  beliefs  of  other  primitive  people  that  there 
seems  to  be  no  exception  among  the  Hopi.  Cf.  King,  op.  cit.,  Vol.  I,  pages  165-207. 


694 


THE  TUSAYAN  RITUAL. 


snake  priests,  their  younger  brothers,  as  they  believe,  to  which  I 
especially  refer,  and  to  which  I wish  to  call  your  attention.  It  is 
impossible  for  me  in  the  limited  time  at  my  disposal  to  give  even  a 
sketch  of  this  complicated  rite,  so  weird  and  startling  in  its  character 
as  to  rival  the  most  heathen  ceremony  in  the  wilds  of  Africa.  Yet  this 
uncanny  dance  in  all  human  probability  will  be  performed  in  August 
of  the  present  year  in  our  own  country  in  a Territory  which  justly 
aspires  to  be  a State.  The  participants  in  it  by  treaty  obligations  nre 
citizens  of  the  United  States  and  their  children  pupils  of  the  public 
schools. 

There  is  little  doubt,  however,  that  this  survival  of  aboriginal  cere- 
monials will  soon  become  extinct,  although  up  to  the  present  time  it  has 
been  but  little  modified  by  the  new  environment  which  the  white  men 
are  bringing  to  the  Tusayan  Indians.  The  ceremony  is  not  a hap- 
hazard or  temporary  invention  of  priests  to  entertain,  but  a part  of  a 
serious,  precise  ritual  which  has  survived  from  prehistoric  times  to  our 
day.  Fifteen  years  ago  the  existence  of  this  dance  was  practically 
unknown,  and  to-day,  after  searching  study,  comparatively  little  has 
been  discovered.  It  may  be  wholly  abandoned  before  the  scientific 
man  is  able  to  collect  material  enough  to  make  out  what  it  all  means. 

In  order  to  consider  some  of  the  elements  of  rain-making  rites  in  the 
Snake  Dance  and  accompanying  secret  ceremonials,  let  us  first  turn  to 
the  altars  used  in  this  dramatization.  The  celebration  of  this  uncanny 
rite  is  performed  by  two  religious  societies  or  brotherhoods,  which  are 
known  as  the  Antelope  and  Snake  priests.  The  secret  ceremonials  of 
each  of  these  priesthoods  are  very  complicated  and  are  performed  in 
subterranean  rooms  called  kivas  into  which  uninitiated  are  debarred 
entrance.  Each  of  these  societies  has  in  its  own  kiva  an  altar  of  com- 
plicated nature  about  which  the  ceremonials  of  a secret  character  are 
performed. 

The  altar  of  the  Antelope  priests  is  of  especial  interest  to  us  in  con- 
sidering the  rain-making  motives  of  the  ritual.  It  consists  of  an  elab- 
orate mosaic  or  picture  made  of  six  different  colored  sands  spread  on 
the  floor  and  surrounded  by  a border  of  the  same  material. 

The  picture  represents  sixteen  semicircular  figures  of  four  different 
colors,  the  symbols  of  rain  clouds  of  the  four  cardinal  directions.  From 
one  side  of  this  composite  picture  are  drawn  parallel  lines  representing 
falling  rain.  This  sand  picture,  with  accompanying  fetishes,  is  known 
as  the  rain -cloud  altar,  the  home  of  the  rain  clouds. 

Seated  about  this  altar  for  seven  consecutive  days  the  Antelope 
priests  daily  sing  sixteen  songs  to  consecrate  prayer  sticks,  which  are 
later  deposited  in  shrines  to  the  rain  gods.  These  prayer  bearers  con- 
sist of  two  sticks  painted  green  and  tied  together  midway  in  their 
length.  At  the  point  where  they  are  bound  is  fastened  a small  packet 
of  sacred  meal,  while  to  the  same  is  also  bound  a feather  of  the  wild 
turkey.  This  feather  is  aptly  chosen,  for  the  turkey  is  associated  in 


Smithsonian  Report,  1895. 


Plate  LXXI. 


Altar  of  the  Antelope  Priests  in  the  Snake  Dance. 


THE  TUSAYAN  RITUAL. 


695 


their  mythology  with  a time  or  place  when  the  surface  of  the  earth 
was  muddy , and  as  they  say  the  black  tip  of  the  feather  was  colored 
by  the  turkey  dragging  his  tail  in  the  black  mud.  To  this  prayer 
bearer  is  likewise  attached  two  herbs — one  male,  the  other  female — 
plants  which  love  the  water.  There  are  many  other  prescribed  details 
in  the  manufacture  of  this  prayer  stick  with  which  I wfill  not  weary 
you,  but  there  is  one  point  which  ma^  be  of  interest.  The  player 
bearers  or  prayer  sticks  of  the  first  day  are  made  as  long  as  the  longest 
finger  of  the  left  hand,  and  are  carried  to  four  shrines  of  the  cardinal 
points,  each  of  which  is  about  7 miles  from  the  pueblo.  The  length  of 
these  prayer  sticks  diminish  each  day,  and  in  the  same  ratio  the  dis- 
tance of  the  shrines  decreases.  On  the  last  of  the  seven  days  the 
prayer  stick  is  the  length  of  the  ultimate  joint  of  the  middle  finger,  and 
the  shrines  in  which  they  are  placed  are  just  outside  the  town.  The 
intent  of  the  prayers  and  songs  intrusted  to  these  prayer  sticks  is  for 
rain.  The  courier  who  carries  them  each  day  is  an  important  priest, 
and  his  explanation  of  why  he  proceeds  in  certain  ways  in  his  duty  may 
interest  you. 

He  runs  swiftly  through  the  whole  circuit  except  when  kneeling  at 
the  shrines,  and  is  barefooted  and  naked,  that  the  rain  gods  may  notice 
him  and  respond  with  equal  haste  to  the  prayers  which  he  bears.  He 
loosens  his  hair  and  lets  it  hang  down  his  back,  symbolic  of  the  way  in 
which  he  believes  the  rain  gods  carry  the  falling  rain  which  his  hair 
symbolizes.  He  makes  the  far  circuit  on  the  first  day  because  rain  gods 
dwell  far  away  beyond  all  cultivated  fields.  He  runs  in  a circle  that 
all  the  rain  gods  may  see  him.  The  priests  hope  the  rain  deities  may 
notice  their  courier  who  bears  their  offerings  to  the  shrines,  and  that 
each  day  they  may  come  nearer.  Hence,  on  each  succeeding  day  the 
courier  travels  on  a shorter  circumference.  It  is  thus  they  wish  the 
rain  clouds  to  approach  nearer  and  nearer  and  pour  down  their  con- 
tents on  their  houses  and  fields,  that  the  dry  river  beds  may  be  swollen 
with  water  and  all  farmers  hear  the  pattering  rain. 

Consider  one  of  the  many  episodes  about  the  altar  in  the  consecration 
of  the  prayer  offering.  Smoking,  as  is  well  known,  was  in  Precolumbian 
times  a ceremonial  custom  among  the  aborigines  of  the  Southwest, 
and  in  the  ritual  of  the  present  pueblos  every  great  rite  opens  and 
closes  with  a formal  smoke.  The  pipe  lighter  is  an  important  function- 
ary, next  in  rank  to  the  chief,  and  in  passing  the  pipe  certain  prescribed 
usages  are  always  followed  and  terms  of  relationship  exchanged.  The 
sixteen  songs  of  which  I have  spoken  are  divided  into  two  groups  of 
eight  each  by  a unique  observance — the  smoking  of  the  great  cloud  pipe. 
In  this  ceremony  four  different  kinds  of  herbs  are  loaded  into  a conical 
pipe,  and  at  a signal  the  pipe  lighter  passes  a live  coal  to  the  chief, 
who  places  it  in  the  larger  end,  kneels  down  behind  the  altar,  places 
the  larger  end  of  the  bowl  in  his  mouth  and  blows  four  long  whiffs 
through  the  pipe  upon  the  sand  picture  of  the  altar.  The  smoke  thus 


696 


THE  TUSAYAN  KIT  UAL. 


formed  is  called  the  rain  cloud,  which  it  symbolizes,  and  the  act  a prayer 
to  bring  the  rain. 

Let  us  consider  the  final  public  event  of  the  Snake  Dance,  that  so 
often  described,  when  the  snake  priests  handle  venomous  reptiles, 
apparently  without  fear,  in  the  presence  of  spectators.  This  uncanny 
proceeding  has  the  same  intent  as  the  secret  rites  of  which  we  have 
spoken — a ceremony  for  rain.  The  reptiles  are  believed  to  be  elder 
brothers  of  the  jiriests,  and  they  are  gathered  from  the  fields  on  four 
successive  days  to  participate  in  the  ceremonies.  It  is  believed  that 
these  reptiles  have  more  power  to  influence  supernatural  beings  than 
man,  and  as  the  acme  of  the  whole  series  of  nine  days’  observances 
they  are  thrown  in  a heap  on  the  ground  in  a circle  of  sacred  meals, 
and  the  chief  of  the  antelopes  says  a prayer  to  the  struggling  mass, 
after  which  they  are  seized  by  the  priests  and  carried  to  the  fields 
commissioned  to  intercede  with  rain  gods  to  send  the  desired  rains. 
In  fact,  the  whole  series  of  rites  which  make  up  the  snake  celebration 
is  one  long  prayer  of  nine  days’  duration,  filled  with  startling  compo- 
nents the  details  of  which  would  weary  rather  than  instruct  you. 

Let  us,  therefore,  turn  to  another  component  of  the  Tusayan  ritual 
which  occurs  each  year  in  the  month  following  that  in  which  the  Snake 
Dance  occurs,  the  ceremony  of  the  women  priests  for  the  maturation  of 
the  corn.  I refer  to  the  September  rites  called  the  Lalakonti,  cele- 
brated by  a priesthood  of  the  same  name. 

The  ceremony  for  growth  of  the  crops,  which  is  practically  for  the 
harvest  of  maize,  is  directly  the  outgrowth  of  those  climatic  conditions 
which  have  made  the  Tusayan  people  agriculturists.  A failure  of  this 
crop  meaus  starvation,  and  maize  is  far  from  a spontaneous  growth  in 
those  desert  sands.  Hence  the  elaborate  nature  of  the  appeals  to  the 
supernatural  beings  which  control  this  function.  This  great  ceremony 
is  naturally  of  special  concern  to  women,  the  providers.  The  corn  is 
the  mother,  the  corn  goddess  the  patron  deity  of  women;  the  women 
are  chiefs  in  this  their  special  ceremonial.  In  turning  over  the  mass 
of  details  which  have  been  recorded  concerning  the  festival  of  the 
Lalakonti  it  has  seemed  to  me  that  I could  not  better  illustrate  the 
points  which  I especially  desire  to  develop  than  to  explain  the  altar 
used  by  these  women  priests  in  this  ceremony. 

The  altar1  is  erected  in  a subterranean  secret  chamber  entered  by 
a ladder  through  the  middle  of  the  roof ; and  around  this  altar  are  per- 
formed many  rites  the  intent  of  which  is  an  appeal  to  the  gods  of 
growth  for  abundant  harvests. 

There  are  two  upright  slats,  painted  with  symbolic  designs,  among 
which  the  figures  of  the  rain  cloud  and  falling  rain  and  the  lightning 
which  accompanies  the  rainstorm  are  most  prominent.  Back  of  the 
altar  are  sticks  serving  as  symbols  of  the  lightning,  the  zigzag  ones 

1 For  description  of  the  Lalakonti  altar,  and  ceremonials  performed  about  it,  see 
American  Anthropologist,  April,  1892.  Washington,  D.  C. 


Smithsonian  Report,  1895. 


Plate  LXXII. 


The  Lalakonti  Altar. 


Smithsonian  Report,  1895, 


Plate  LXXIII. 


Four  Effigies  of  the  Lalakonti  Altar. 


Symbolic  Figures  of  Rain  Clouds  on  Tile  used  in  Snake  Dance. 


THE  TUSAYAN  RITUAL. 


697 


representing  the  forked  and  the  straight  the  sheet  lightning.  Two 
coronets,  one  on  each  side  of  the  alter,  are  worn  by  two  of  the  chiefs 
and  they  are  made  in  the  form  of  rain  cloud  symbols,  semicircles  from 
which  parallel  lines  representing  falling  rain  are  drawn.  Here,  there- 
fore, we  see  several  rain  symbols  in  prominent  places.  But  the  cere- 
mony in  which  this  altar  is  used  is  primarily  one  for  the  growth  of  com; 
let  us  examine  the  objects  in  it  with  that  thought  in  mind. 

Four  effigies  or  idols  between  the  uprights  of  the  reredos  represent 
the  following  personages:  The  one  to  the  right  is  the  goddess  of 
growth.  She  carries  in  her  belt  prayer  offerings  for  abundant  harvests. 
At  her  feet  is  an  effigy  of  the  corn  mountain,  colored  with  different 
colored  corn,  since  all  kinds  of  corn  are  under  her  control.  In  her  left 
hand  she  has  a small  jar  of  holy  water,  since  corn  can  not  grow  with- 
out moisture.  The  figure  at  her  left  is  the  patron  goddess  of  the  society 
who  celebrate  growth  ceremonials,  the  ancestral  deified  totem  of  the 
fraternity.  At  her  left  is  the  corn  goddess,  since  corn  is  the  one  cereal 
whose  growth  is  desired.  This  figurine  bears  on  her  head  the  symbol 
of  the  ear  of  maize.  No  field  of  corn  may  be  harvested  without  the 
protection  of  the  warrior  in  a country  harassed  by  enemies,  and  the 
fourth  effigy  represents  the  god  of  war,  whose  effigy  naturally  has  a 
place  on  this  altar.  The  white  meal  which  is  sprinkled  on  the  heads 
of  all  the  idols  represents  the  prayers  of  the  faithiul,  for  as  each  priest 
approaches  the  altar  she  breathes  her  prayer  on  sacred  meal  and  scat- 
ters it  on  the  heads  of  the  effigies.  These  prayers  are  for  a good 
harvest,  a successful  crop  and  abundant  rains. 

There  are  three  objects  in  front  of  the  images  which  are  the  badges 
of  the  priests,  called  the  “mothers.”  In  advance  of  these,  spread  on 
the  fioor,  is  an  elaborate  picture,  made  of  different  colored  sands, 
representing  on  one  side  the  Earth  Goddess,  and  on  the  other  the 
Watcher,  or  little  War  God.  Connected  with  the  altar  is  a bowl  with 
terraced  rim,  used  as  a medicine  bowl,  and  a single  upright  ear  of  maize 
with  a feather,  a kind  of  standard,  which  is  placed  at  the  pathway 
of  the  kiva  to  warn  uninitiated  persons  not  to  intrude  on  the  mys- 
teries which  are  performed  about  the  altar. 

The  influence  of  arid  climatic  conditions  is  shown  in  the  character 
and  intent  of  symbols.  The  conventional  figure  of  the  rain  clouds 
and  falling  rain  is  depicted  more  than  any  other  on  various  parapher- 
nalia of  worship.  It  is  painted  on  the  altars,  drawn  in  sacred  meal  on 
the  floor  of  his  sacred  rooms,  or  kivas,  embroidered  on  ceremonial  kilts. 
The  priest  wears  it  on  his  marks  and  paints  it  on  the  body.  It  is  an 
omnipresent  symbol. 

By  a natural  connection  it  is  often  replaced  by  figures  of  animals  or 
plants  associated  with  water.  The  frog  and  tadpole  appear  when  the 
rain  is  abundant,  and  for  that  reason  the  priest  paints  the  figures  of 
these  animals  on  his  medicine  bowl,  or  places  effigies  of  it  on  the  altar. 
In  certain  rites  he  makes  clay  balls,  in  which  he  inserts  small  twigs, 


698 


THE  TUSAYAN  RITUAL. 


which  lie  believes  will  change  into  tadpoles,  and  deposits  them  along  dry 
water  eourses  for  the  same  reason,  that  rain  may  come.  So  shells  from 
the  great  ocean  are  likewise  esteemed  as  bringers  of  water,  and  frag- 
ments of  water- worn  wood  are  carefully  cherished  by  him  for  a like 
purpose.  The  dragonfly  which  hovers  over  the  springs,  the  cotton- 
wood which  grows  near  the  springs,  the  flag  which  loves  the  moist 
places,  becomes  a symbol  of  water.  Water  itself  from  the  ocean  or 
from  some  distant  spring,  in  his  conception,  are  all  powerful  agents  to 
bring  moisture.  There  can  be  but  one  reason  for  this — the  aridity  of 
his  surroundings.  Not  alone  in  pictoral  symbols  does  he  seek  to  bring 
the  needed  rains.  The  clouds  from  which  rain  falls  are  symbolized  by 
the  smoke  from  the  pipe  in  his  ceremony,  and  he  so  regards  them.  He 
pours  water  on  the  heads  of  participants  in  certain  ceremonials,  hop- 
ing that  in  the  same  way  rain  will  fall  on  his  parched  fields.  Even  in 
his  games  he  is  influenced  by  the  same  thought,  and  in  certain  races 
the  young  men  run  along  the  arroyos,  as  they  wish  the  water  to  go 
filled  to  their  banks. 

To  our  ways  of  thinking  these  are  absurd  ways  in  which  to  bring 
the  rain,  but  to  a primitive  mind  it  is  a method  consecrated  by  tradi- 
tion and  venerated  from  its  antiquity. 

Symbolic  figures  of  maize,  the  national  food  of  the  Hopi  Indians,  are 
no  less  common  on  ceremonial  paraphernalia  than  those  of  rain.  Maize 
is  painted  on  the  masks  of  sacred  dancers  and  represented  by  effigies  on 
altars.  It  gives  names  to  several  supernatural  beings.  Every  babe, 
when  20  days  old,  is  dedicated  to  the  sun  and  receives  an  ear  of  corn 
as  its  symbolic  mother.  The  badges  or  palladia  of  religious  societies 
are  ears  of  corn  wrapped  in  buckskin — symbolic,  no  doubt,  of  the  time 
when  seed  corn  was  the  most  precious  heritage  and  preserved  by  the 
chiefs.  The  foremost  supernatural  being  in  the  Tusayan  Olympus  is 
the  Corn  Maid,  who  is  figured  on  food  bowls,  baskets,  and  elsewhere. 

It  can  hardly  be  necessary  for  me  to  adduce  more  facts  in  support 
of  the  hypothesis  that  these  two  elements  of  the  Tusayan  ritual  which 
reflect  the  climatic  surroundings  are  ceremonials  for  rain  and  those  for 
the  germination,  maturation,  and  abundance  of  agricultural  products. 
The  necessities  of  life  have  driven  man  into  the  agricultural  condition, 
and  the  aridity  of  the  climate  has  forced  him  to  devise  all  possible 
means  at  his  control  to  so  influence  his  gods  as  to  force  them  to  send 
the  rains  to  aid  him.  Wherever  we  turn  in  an  intimate  study  of  the 
ceremonials  of  the  Tusayan  Indians  we  see  the  imprint  of  the  arid 
deserts  by  which  they  are  surrounded,  always  the  prayer  for  abundant 
crops,  and  rains  for  his  parched  fields. 

When  one  makes  the  Tusayan  ritual  a special  study  he  finds  it  won- 
derfully complicated  in  the  development  of  details.  No  Hopi  priest 
lives  who  understands  the  meaning  of  all  these  details,  nor  does  he 
care  for  an  explanation  of  them.  There  are  two  fundamental  factors, 
however,  which  he  can  comprehend,  and  these  are  always  on  his  lips 
when  an  explanation  of  the  ritual  is  solicited.  We  cling  to  the  rites  of 


THE  TUSAYAN  RITUAL. 


699 


our  ancestors  because  they  have  been  pronounced  good  by  those  who 
know.  We  erect  our  altars,  sing  our  traditional  songs,  and  celebrate 
our  sacred  dances  for  rain  that  our  corn  may  germinate  and  yield 
abundant  harvest. 

The  town  crier  calls  at  dawn  from  the  house  top  the  following  an- 
nouncement, which  is  the  key  to  the  whole  explanation  of  the  Tusayan 
ritual: 

“All  people  awake,  open  your  eyes,  arise, 

Become  Talahoya  (child  of  light),  vigorous,  active,  sprightly. 

Hasten  clouds  from  the  four  world  quarters ; 

Come  snow  in  plenty,  that  water  may  be  abundant  when  summer  comes. 

Come  ice  and  cover  the  fields,  that  after  planting  they  may  yield  abundantly; 

Let  all  hearts  be  glad ; 

The  knowing  ones  will  assemble  in  four  days; 

They  will  encircle  the  village  dancing  and  singing  their  lays  * * * 

That  moisture  may  come  in  abundance. ;; 

I have  limited  myself  to  showing  that  the  arid  climatic  conditions 
are  reflected  from  the  rites  of  one  tribe  of  Indians,  and  it  would  be  in- 
structive to  see  whether  these  facts  are  of  importance  from  the  com- 
parative side.  There  are  other  equally  arid  regions  of  the  globe  where 
we  might  justly  look  for  the  same  results  if  this  climatic  condition  is 
as  powerful  in  the  modification  of  cults  as  implied.  There  are  marked 
similarities  in  the  climate  of  Arabia,  of  Peru,  and  of  Assyria,  and  as  a 
consequence  startling  resemblances  in  their  rituals.  But  there  are 
many  differences;  and  we  thus  detect  that  our  analyses  of  causes  has 
not  been  complete  or  ultimate,  for  we  have  limited  it  to  but  one  powerful 
element  in  the  modifications  of  ceremonials. 

Environment  is  a complicated  nexus  of  influences,  organic  and  inor- 
ganic, threads  of  which  we  can  successfully  trace  a certain  distance, 
but  which  eludes  as  we  go  further.  There  are  many  effects  where  causes 
remain  to  be  discovered,  and  many  climatic  influences  on  cults  have  yet 
to  be  clearly  discerned. 

A few  words  more  and  I have  done.  Theories  among  civilized  men, 
like  things  among  savages,  may  become  fetishes.  It  would  be  lamen- 
table if  environment  should  become  a word  to  conjure  with,  or  if  we 
should  use  it  to  cover  ignorance  of  that  which  we  can  not  explain.  I 
have  tried  to  show  that  one  highly  complicated  ritual  is  so  plastic  that 
it  responds  to  climatic  conditions,  but  there  are  elements  in  it  due  to 
some  other  unknown  cause.  Because  climatic  conditions  explain  cer- 
tain modifications  in  human  culture  the  tendency  would  be  to  strive  to 
make  it  do  duty  in  explaining  all.  Such  a generalization  is  premature 
and  unscientific.  The  theory  that  differences  of  species  of  animals  and 
plants  were  due  to  climatic  influences  may  have  satisfied  the  early  stu- 
dents of  evolution  before  Charles  Darwin  pointed  out  the  law  of  natural 
selection.  Environment  is  a factor  which  profoundly  affects  animals, 
but  a struggle  for  existence  in  which  the  fittest  survive  is  a law  of 
evolution. 


700 


THE  TUSAYAN  RITUAL. 


So  environment  is  a potent  influence  on  the  culture  of  man,  but  there 
are  laws,  as  yet  not  clearly  made  out,  back  of  it  which  control  the 
evolution  of  man. 

When  in  the  struggle  for  existence  the  fittest  came  to  be  measured  by 
degrees  of  intelligence,  and  no  longer  by  superiority  of  bodily  structure, 
climatic  conditions  were  still  powerful  to  modify  and  stimulate  thought. 
The  increase  in  intelligence  due  to  these  agents  did  not  develop  a 
new  species,  for,  to  whatever  heights  he  rises,  man  still  remains  Homo 
sapiens.  If,  then,  the  specific  identity  of  ail  individual  men  on  the 
globe  to-day  is  true,  the  superstitions  which  we  have  studied  are  errors 
of  minds  like  our  own,  but  imperfectly  developed  and  modified  by 
environment.  In  her  mistakes,  said  the  great  naturalist  Geoffroy  St. 
Hilaire,  nature  betrays  her  secrets.  By  a study  of  erroneous  working 
of  the  mind  and  their  probable  causes  we  can  discover  the  nature  of 
mind.  Below  all  ceremonials  among  all  men,  savage  or  barbarous,  may 
be  traced  aspirations  akin  to  our  own  since  they  spring  from  our  com- 
mon nature.  Until  some  philosopher  shall  arise  who  can  so  analyze 
environment  as  to  demonstrate  that  the  great  religious  teachers  of  man, 
who,  suddenly  appearing,  have  stimulated  the  race  to  great  bounds  in 
progress,  were  solely  the  products  of  surroundings,  we  may  believe 
that  there  is  another  most  potent  influence  behind  environment  control- 
ling the  development  of  culture.  Throughout  all  history  man,  from  his 
own  consciousness,  has  recognized  that  controlling  influence  to  be  higher 
than  environment,  and  no  science  nor  philosophy  has  yet  succeeded  in 
banishing  the  thought  from  his  mind. 


